Uzma Khatoon

A quiet but profound cultural metamorphosis is underway within Muslim India, sparking a critical debate that strikes at the heart of the community's existence: Is the growing influence from Muslim-majority countries, particularly the Gulf nations, eroding the unique, syncretic identity that Indian Muslims have cultivated over a millennium?

This tension has transcended abstract intellectual discourse and is now visibly manifesting in the everyday sociology of the community. It is evident in the shifting sartorial choices where the black abaya is steadily displacing the traditional, vibrant salwar-kameez and in evolving culinary habits, as Middle Eastern cuisines like Mandi and shawarma gain prominence over indigenous traditions.

Does "Arabization" or "Gulfisation," represents a return to a 'purer' form of faith or a compromise of India's rich, localised Islamic heritage?

Indian Islam has never been a monolithic construct; its foundations rest on centuries of osmotic interaction rather than rigid importation. While early contact was established through Arab traders on the Malabar coast, it was the Sufi saints in the North who truly indigenized the faith. The result was the Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb 'lived Islam' that prioritised local cultural adaptation over a strict, imported 'book view.' This unique identity was forged through the adoption of local languages, customs, and rituals. It was complemented by a shared cultural ecosystem where regional practices in food, dress (such as the sari), and festivals were shared across religious lines, creating a distinct "Indian Muslim" identity.

"Arabization" is the term for a shift away from these local traditions toward practices seen as more "pure" or "authentic." However, the term 'Arabization' is itself misleading. This shift is not an embrace of diverse Arab cultures, such as those in Egypt or Morocco, but rather a specific 'Gulfization' or 'Wahhabization'. It represents the globalisation of a puritanical, petro-dollar-funded Salafi ideology that seeks to 'cleanse' Islam of local "impurities" and "innovations" (biddat).

Several factors accelerate this: Gulf migration has introduced 'Petro-Islam,' where returning migrants bring back stricter doctrines alongside economic capital. Crucially, for many lower-middle-class Muslims, the Gulf symbolises not just piety but also economic success and modernity. Adopting these external markers is a way to align with a 'global,' 'successful' Muslim identity, implicitly rejecting a 'local' or 'poor' one

This is supported by global networks, as funding from global Islamic organisations has promoted a more standardised, text-based version of Islam that is often critical of local Sufi practices. Furthermore, satellite TV and the internet have connected Indian Muslims to a global "ummah" (community), where figures and trends from the Middle East have a large influence.

Muslim women voters

The most potent symbol of this shift is the veil. Theologically, the Quran prioritises Taqwa (righteousness) over specific dress codes. The term "hijab" in the Quran (42:51) denotes a "barrier," not clothing. Verses often cited to mandate the veil, such as 24:31 and 33:59, are frequently quoted out of context. Historical analysis suggests these verses were specific instructions for the Prophet’s wives during times of social unrest, measures for identification and protection rather than universal, eternal commandments.

Furthermore, the history of veiling predates Islam; in ancient Assyrian law, veiling was a class marker legally required for "free" women to distinguish them from slaves, a practice later absorbed by Byzantine and Persian elites before entering Islamic sociology.

Caste, Patriarchy, and Identity

Critically, the current push for veiling in India cannot be understood without analysing the internal dynamics of caste and class. Historically, the practice of strict seclusion (purdah) was an Ashraf (upper-caste) privilege, a marker of high status and foreign lineage. Pasmanda (backward-caste) women, the weavers, washerwomen, and labourers could never afford such seclusion; economic reality forced them to work publicly, shoulder-to-shoulder with men.

Pasmanda intellectuals, including thinkers, have articulated how the Ashrafi elite have historically disdained the syncretic, open culture of the Pasmanda majority. The current wave of Gulfization can thus be seen as an extension of this old caste dynamic, where an 'Ashrafized' global Islam is imposed as the standard of piety, marginalising the working-class Pasmanda culture. This mirrors early Islamic history, where Caliph Umar famously forbade a slave woman from veiling to maintain the distinction between her and "free women," proving that the veil has historically functioned as much as a status symbol as a religious one.

This sociological pressure dovetails with deep-seated patriarchy. Young girls are often conditioned from childhood to view the veil as essential, transforming it into a social habit rather than a theological choice. As seen in the tragic case of Mahsa Amini in Iran, the enforcement of dress codes is often less about liberty and more about communal control. Islamic feminists like Amina Wadud argue that Muslims must reclaim the Quran through a feminist hermeneutics to rediscover its egalitarian spirit, freeing it from centuries of patriarchal interpretation.

Externally, this visual "Arabization" carries severe political consequences in India. Right-wing narratives weaponise every abaya as proof of Muslim "otherness," branding the community as culturally foreign. Paradoxically, this marginalisation pushes many Muslims to cling tighter to these symbols as an act of political defiance, turning the veil into a resistance flag against Islamophobia rather than a purely religious act.

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Yet, the Indian Muslim identity remains in flux. The Indian civilizational ethos of modesty aligns perfectly with the Quranic concept of Haya, proving that modesty does not require foreign imitation. The imposition of Arab dress codes implicitly brands indigenous attire, like the Sari or Salwar-Kameez, as 'un-Islamic,' alienating working-class Muslims from their roots. True liberation lies in shedding this cultural inferiority complex. Embracing an Islam that is at peace with its Indian identity, where modesty is defined by character and indigenous tradition, not by the dictates of a distant, foreign culture.

Dr Uzma Khatoon, is a former faculty of the Aligarh Muslim University