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Grace Mubashir
The history of Muslim organisations in India traces back to colonial Bengal. Anjuman-e-Islami Calcutta was founded in 1855; this was the pioneer organisation created to foster cooperation with the British administration while protecting and advancing the rights of Muslims in Bengal.
In 1863, Sir Sayid founded the Muhammadan Literary Society to promote modern education and thinking among Muslims. Syed Ameer Ali founded the Central National Muhammadan Association in 1877 in Kolkata (Bengal Presidency) to promote the socio-economic and educational upliftment of Muslims.
The Deoband-based madrasa was established in 1887, and later it spread across the subcontinent. Later, many regional religious and political organisations were formed. Some of them are: the All-India Muslim League (1906), the Al-Ahrar Movement (1929), and Nadwatul Ulama (1894) in North India.
In the South, Kerala Nadwatul Mujahideen (1921) and Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama (1926) were major Muslim organisations. Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind was established in 1919 as an organisation of Islamic scholars (ulema); it played a role in mobilising Indian Muslims for the anti-colonial struggle.
While many colonial organisations flourished in secular India, new organisations were also established. While political mobilisation of Muslims was restricted in independent India, most of the organisations were centred on religious and social activities.
Religious organisations used social activities to build trust and adherence. Many of the religious organisations are also active participants in educational and philanthropic spaces.
The All-India Muslim Personal Law Board was founded in 1972 to unite Muslims against perceived threats to Muslim law in India.
Besides, Muslims also organised on secular platforms. Hamid Dalwai founded the Muslim Satyashodhak Mandal and the Indian Secular Society and Asghar Ali Engineer founded the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism. The list of Muslim organisations is not exhaustive.
From this brief history of Muslim organisations, it is very clear that Muslims founded and run many diverse organisations. Now let's turn our attention to the religious organisations of Muslims.
Are Muslim organisations inimical to constitutional morality?
This background is important when we analyse the Muslim organisations in contemporary India. The organisation of Muslims under different socio-political and religious views is not harmful or to be frowned upon.
In India, everyone can organise themselves in a fashion they desire. There are many unfounded fears and phobias around Muslim organisations. The chief among them is the myth of Muslim political consolidation.
Many studies have busted this electoral myth and, in turn, argue that, like any other citizens of the country, many factors of livelihood and secularism are the basis of the electoral choice of Muslims.
Another popular allegation is that Muslim organisations are monolithic and cling to separatism through their subsistence on personal law and minority rights. This is also a stretch of the imagination.
Just by studying the Shah Bano case, we can understand the diversity of opinion among Indian Muslims. But conservative voices are often highlighted, trampling the moderate and secular voices within the community.
The reason for this is the wide network and political patronage of orthodox sections by the political parties and media. More sensible voices within the community are often stifled.
This ecosystem of amplifying conservative voices within the community has to be addressed.
There is another serious suspicion around Muslim organisations. It runs like this: Muslims are very well connected and selfish, as they don't provide services to non-Muslims.
This suspicion has often led to communal tension. As a community, Muslims should be more prudent while giving services. In Kerala, the health charitable services of Muslims are well praised, as they are open to all needy people.
Due to general mistrust, non-Muslims sometimes hesitate in utilising Muslim organisations' services. The economics of religion in India by Sriya Iyer is a wonderful work for knowing these things better.
Indian Muslims have been a part of the Indian democratic system. But over a period of time, their political relevance has become ineffective in helping them get the benefits of the world’s most remarkable political system. One of the main reasons for this has been the lack of foresight among the leadership of various Muslim organisations. They have failed to adapt to the changing times.
The founders of the Indian constitution were pragmatic in adapting ideas of democracy and secularism to suit Indian realities.
The 'collectivisation of identity’ was one such structural innovation adapted to reflect Indian realities. After the census was introduced in India in 1872, the British colonial government first introduced identity politics.
The communalisation of group identity was the insidious ploy by the colonial government to preclude unified opposition against the harsh imperial power.
This organisation of citizenship based on religious, regional and caste identities shielded the colonial government from common national movements by the native Indians. Fragmented identities were consolidated further when elections were introduced in 1909.
The rest is familiar, for when India got independence, she was divided into two on the basis of religious identity. This colonial legacy of collective community identity was bequeathed in independent India.
The community rights were recognised as fundamental rights along with individual rights. Thus, fundamental rights can be classified into two: first, individual rights (Articles 13 to 25); second, communitarian rights (Articles 26 to 30).
The organisation of communities is desired in a democracy as long as it functions amicably and to the benefit of the nation and its inhabitants. Lobbying through political engagements, legal activities and social movements is regarded as guaranteed in Indian democracy to maximise benefits from the state in the current constitutional arrangement.
Religious organisations and the crisis of betrayal
Now let's return to the core religious organisations. Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, Nadwatul Ulama, and Samastah Kerala Jamiathul Ulama are some examples of religious organisations. The All-India Muslim Personal Law Board was established as a coordinating body of scattered Muslim organisations.
Rather than dodging all accusations against these organisations, claiming Islamophobia, let's discuss the positives and negatives of these organisations and the path ahead.
These religious organisations have claimed a monopoly over religious issues and Muslim lives. Because these organisations also run knowledge centres (madrasas), they have hegemony over religious activities.
It is a laudable fact that in ensuring guidance to the Muslim community, these organisations have made commendable efforts. Samastha Kerala Jamiathul Ulama in Kerala has ensured basic religious literacy through their networks of maktabs. Besides, they also control the community lives of Muslims, from marriage and divorce to internal disputes and charity activities.
Organised efforts are needed to achieve community aspirations. But issues emerge when determining the contextualisation efforts of religion.
These organisations are relics of the past, and they are stubbornly obsolete in reframing the community agendas. Any attempt to address the shortcomings of Muslim religious lives is soon opposed by these organisations due to the fear of losing community leadership.
A cursory glance at opposition to the latest legal changes will convince you that these were mainly politically orientated and had less to do with the religious nuances.
As these orgainisations are steeped in traditions, they are fearful of changes. Take the case of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board. Rather than being reactionary forces, why can't they revamp the Muslim laws according to modern interpretations as seen in many Muslim countries? Why can't these organisations end political patronage and be open to discussions?
The religion has become a community concern rather than private piety due to the Indian structure of Indian society, gathering around common identities. Reformist ideas are opposed due to this arrangement, and the Muslim community drags backwards when they leap forward in material terms.The Muslim issue is mediated through these organisations. Madrasa reforms are long pending due to the opposition from these organisations. Here, the structure built to lead Muslims becomes a burden.
As long as these religious organisations are hesitant to introduce positive, creative interventions to comply with the community's aspirations, they become burdens. If they can exert their authority in constructive ways, it would be revolutionary.
Individuals can't be stifled within the bogus threat of protecting these organisations. Muslim women, as long as they are sidelined by these organisations, are the victims of the religious structures. Patriarchy in these organisations will corrode the ability of all sections to advance.
Now let's take one specific issue to analyse how these organisations are failing the Muslim community. Waqf properties are scattered across the country. It is one of the largest underutilised resources in the country. Why this crisis?
Political and administrative impact will be the easiest answer. After studying major Waqf properties across India, I can ascertain that lack of innovative jurisprudence is the reason.
Many of the beneficiaries of the Waqf system are non-existent in today's world, like camel traders and Hafiz rulers. Because these legal ambiguities are still not addressed, the Waqf properties remain underutilised. As the custodians of Muslim law, the organisations are failing the Muslim community.
One big menace has recently been noticed in the activities of Muslim organisations. They are explicitly promoting insider withdrawal of the Muslim community. Rather than engaging with all stakeholders to guarantee rights and protection of Muslims, these organisations are becoming reactionary bodies. Thus their presence breeds suspicion.
Islamic organisations are really a blessing for the country. They have been successful in orienting the public and private lives of Muslims. But of late, they are turning inwards and failing to address the aspirations of the believers. The religious organisations are choking an individual's connection with religion.
This structure can be used to help the Muslim community and the nation progress. They need to shed obstinate legal redundancy and be open to fresh ideas.
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These organisations can have a fresh approach to Muslim issues. Governments, administrations and the public should support them in steering towards these aims.
Mubashir Vattaparamban is an independent researcher based in Delhi.
